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Conferring Trading Rights on a Jewish Resident of Florence, Including 150 year overview of Jewish Trading Rights in Florence

Petitioner is Samuel Rimini, Father of the Noted Florentine Rabbinic Scholar Moshe Ḥayyim Rimini

This exceptional 1743 Florentine decree offers a rare, fully preserved legal articulation of Jewish commercial rights during the early modern period, linking nearly 150 years of state-sanctioned privileges across generations. Rich in named precedent and bureaucratic detail, it is a foundational document for understanding how Jewish merchants were integrated into Tuscan civic and economic life under ducal authority.  The document also reveals the participation of a senior Florentine cleric, Cosimo Bonaccini, in the process of granting Jewish rights, reflecting the economic pragmatism and a tradition of Medici-era tolerance, a notable departure from the broader anti-Jewish discriminatory stance of the Catholic Church in the 18th century.  At the time of the decree, the Jewish community in Florence numbered approximately 500 individuals.

Dated 17 August 1743, the legal decree issued by the Florentine magistracy known as the Otto di Guardia e Balia stands as a comprehensive codification of civil and commercial privileges granted to the Jewish merchant Samuel Rimini and extended to his appointed associate, Emmanuel Bonaiuto Padova. The document is of particular historical value not merely for its content, but for the legal continuity it demonstrates, anchoring the status of Jews within the Grand Duchy of Tuscany’s political and economic framework across a succession of state-issued rescripts spanning more than 140 years.

The document opens by reaffirming a set of privileges originally conferred upon Samuel Rimini by a rescript dated 23 March 1723. These privileges are not presented as novel concessions but as rights already established by precedent, granted previously to individuals within the Rimini family: Giuseppe, son of Mosè Rimini; Samuel, son of David Rimini; and Flamminio and David, sons of Isach Rimini. Their inclusion reflects both the dynastic character of the Jewish mercantile presence in Florence and the formal recognition of a familial claim to commercial and civic parity under ducal law.

Among the key provisions of the 1743 decree is the formal recognition of Emmanuel Bonaiuto Padova as the "Companion" of Samuel Rimini—a legal designation which empowered Padova and his family to inherit and share all the privileges conferred on Rimini, save those explicitly withheld in matters relating to the Guild of Linen Weavers. This act of nomination, recorded in the state’s administrative files under No. 177, demonstrates a legally sanctioned method for transmitting rights from one privileged Jewish merchant to another, thereby reinforcing mechanisms of internal succession and external accountability.

The privileges rest upon a foundation of earlier state actions, namely a rescript of 3 July 1606 granted to Mattatia Menachem, described as a Levantine Jew. Menachem’s rescript had affirmed the right to conduct trade, including the nomination of commercial partners, whether Christian or Jewish. This precedent establishes the long-standing legal acceptability of interconfessional commercial partnerships and exemptions from guild restrictions. It also implies that the privileges extended to Rimini and Padova were not exceptional, but part of an established legal tradition.

The decree further draws upon two additional rescripts granted to Josef Israel, a Jew, and his uncle Abram Israel. A rescript of 2 August 1679 confirmed the transmission of privileges to family members, including wives, servants, agents, and sons-in-law, both in life and in death. A second rescript of 4 September 1606 had exempted Josef Israel from paying matriculation fees to open and operate a shop dealing in goods not prohibited by law. The 1743 document explicitly reaffirms these rights, highlighting freedom from commercial taxation and the ability to conduct lawful trade without guild encumbrance.

The decree also grants Rimini and Padova the same status as Jews residing in Pisa and Livorno, two cities referenced repeatedly in the document as benchmarks for legal and fiscal privilege. The enumeration of specific immunities—freedom from matriculation, cadastral taxes, levies, tariffs, real and personal impositions, and all customs duties on domestic goods whether imported or acquired locally—reveals the comprehensive nature of the legal protection being extended. These exemptions also apply to dowries, both contracted previously and those that may be negotiated in the future.

Importantly, the decree affirms that these Jewish merchants may enjoy the same rights as Florentine citizens and merchants, including the right to engage in any lawful craft or commercial activity, the right to live and maintain places of business outside the Jewish ghetto, and freedom from having to wear any badge or sign distinguishing them from Christians. These clauses underscore the legal equivalence, at least in economic terms, between Jews and Christians, and reflect a sophisticated and deliberate legal strategy for the integration of Jews into the civic and economic structure of the state.

The concluding section of the document confirms that these privileges are to extend to the families, children, and successors of Rimini and Padova. It references an earlier grant to Josef Israel dated 3 July 1599, filed under No. 319, which appears to have laid the groundwork for intergenerational transmission of rights. Further names—David Amar, Emanuel Levi, Allanter, and Salvador Levi—are listed as contemporary examples of Jewish merchants already benefiting from similar privileges, thereby placing Rimini and Padova within a broader legal and communal cohort.

In sum, this 1743 decree is a meticulously structured articulation of rights that Jewish individuals and families were able to claim under Florentine law. Rather than being a singular grant, it is a reassertion and affirmation of a complex network of legal precedents, extending from 1599 through 1723 and culminating in the present instrument. The document offers valuable insight into the legal mechanisms through which Jews could access and transmit economic and civic rights, maintain continuity across generations, and assert legal parity with non-Jewish citizens—at least within the commercial domain. It stands as a testament to the bureaucratic sophistication of the Florentine state and the enduring presence of Jewish life within its legal and economic institutions.

Jewish Community in Florence

Florence, capital of Tuscany and a Renaissance epicenter of commerce and culture, has long hosted a Jewish community. Though the city initially had little need for Jewish financiers, Jews had settled there by the early 15th century and were granted rights and privileges by the Republic. In 1414, Florence sent a Jewish banker, Valori, as its envoy to Milan, and when the Duke of Milan refused to receive him, Florence declared war in protest—an early example of its commitment to Jewish residents. Still, their status remained uncertain, as Jews were expelled and recalled multiple times throughout the 15th century. A maḥzor written in Florence in 1441 confirms their presence, and other notable figures of the period include Emanuel b. Uzziel da Camerino and physician Abramo, who treated Giovanni delle Bande Nere of the Medici family.

During the 1472 plague, the Jews were expelled, prompting Shemariah b. Abraham Jehiel to compose an elegy. When the plague passed, the Senate recalled the Jews to serve again as moneylenders. Sporadic anti-Jewish violence followed, including incitement from Bernardin of Feltre in 1487, though local authorities protected the community. Under Lorenzo de’ Medici, Jews played an important role in the city's intellectual life: scholars such as Abraham Farissol and Elijah Delmedigo were active at court, and Christian humanists like Pico della Mirandola and Marsilio Ficino studied Hebrew and Cabala with Jewish teachers. The expulsion of Spanish Jews in 1492 brought a new wave of Sephardic immigrants to Florence, including Don Joseph ibn Yahya, who arrived in 1494. These refugees boosted Florence’s trade and scholarship and became economically indispensable, prompting repeated readmission after expulsions in 1490 and again in 1498.

The Medici’s return to power brought a relatively stable period. Cosimo I, influenced by his wife Leonora of Naples and her Jewish tutor Benveniste Abravanel, granted extensive privileges in 1551. By then, Florence’s Jews numbered about 500, largely concentrated in Via dei Giudei. In 1570, however, a ghetto was created, and surrounding communities were relocated there. Despite this, enforcement was lenient—wealthier Jews could live outside the ghetto, and its residents were not harshly treated.

In the 17th and 18th centuries, the community continued under restricted but relatively tolerant conditions. When ghetto housing was under-occupied, the community was forced to pay the full rent in 1690. Anti-Jewish laws were inconsistently enforced, and while conversion efforts existed, physical coercion was rare. Even during the upheaval of the French Revolution in 1790, local clergy protected the Jews. The Napoleonic period brought alternating freedom and repression, but in 1814, the ghetto gates were permanently opened. Full emancipation came with the fall of the Grand Duchy in 1859, and by 1861, with Tuscany’s unification into Italy, Jews were granted full citizenship. Figures like Sansone d’Ancona served in government, marking the integration of Jews into civic life.

The community’s ritual life reflected its diversity. Initially following the Italian rite, Florence saw the introduction of the Sephardic rite with the arrival of Portuguese Jews. After a period of internal tension, both rites were recognized equally, and the Sephardim eventually became dominant, using Portuguese in their services and documents into the modern period.

Florence also became home to a distinguished lineage of Jewish scholars. Alongside early figures like Shemariah b. Abraham and Raphael of Florence were later intellectuals such as Moshe Ḥayyim Rimini, son of Samuel Rimini, an 18th-century rabbi and scholar. Rimini exemplified the city's enduring tradition of Jewish learning, which persisted into the 19th century with rabbis like Johanan Ghiron and continued under S.H. Margulies, who assumed leadership in 1890.

Florence’s Jewish community, though subject to fluctuating fortunes, ultimately found a lasting place within the city’s cultural and civic framework. Their resilience, intellectual contributions, and economic engagement enriched the city from the Renaissance to the modern era. 

Involvement of Cosimo Bonaccini, Cancilliere

Cosimo Bonaccini was an 18th-century cleric in Florence. He served as a member of the Cathedral Chapter of Florence, the governing college of clergy at the city’s great cathedral (Santa Maria del Fiore). The cathedral chapter is essentially the council of senior priests (canons) responsible for the most solemn liturgical functions in the cathedral, and for various administrative duties assigned by church law or by the bishop. In Bonaccini’s time, this meant he was one of the higher-ranking ecclesiastics at the Duomo, helping oversee the cathedral’s religious services and operations. His designation “Cancelliere” suggests he may have held the office of chancellor within the chapter – a role often charged with the chapter’s records or education.  

Being a canon of the cathedral not only placed Bonaccini at the heart of Florence’s religious life, but it also connected him to the social and political elite. Cathedral canons in that era were typically influential men; they often interacted with nobility and the ruling authorities during major ceremonies and civic events. His role as Cancelliere likely had him keeping important documents or correspondence, reflecting a trusted position that bridged the sacred and the administrative. In an era when church and state were closely interwoven, figures like Bonaccini sometimes moved fluidly between ecclesiastical duties and civic responsibilities. 

In addition to his clerical duties, Cosimo Bonaccini served as a member of the Otto di Guardia e Balia, often simply called the “Otto e Balia.” This was one of the major governing bodies in Florence during the Grand Duchy period. The Otto di Guardia e Balia (literally, “Eight of Guard and Authority”) was an ancient Florentine magistracy charged with criminal justice and police matters. It consisted of eight officials (the “Signori Otto”) who were typically drawn from Florence’s prominent citizens. Uniquely, this magistracy had a broad mandate: it oversaw public order, handled criminal trials, and even had jurisdiction over special issues such as cases involving Jews in the Florentine domain.

Bonaccini’s participation in the Otto indicates he was not only a churchman but also a civic leader. It was not unheard of for clergymen to serve in such roles, especially in a city where power structures were intertwined.  The office of the Otto rotated every few months among selected officials, so his tenure would have been for a fixed term (typically four months, as the magistracy’s membership was periodically renewed). During that term, he and his fellow magistrates convened in the Palazzo Vecchio to judge crimes and issue edicts related to policing the city.

Serving on the Otto e Balia was a significant responsibility, placing Bonaccini at the center of Florence’s secular governance.  It also meant he had to balance the compassionate ethos of a clergyman with the often severe duties of a magistrate enforcing law and order.  Florence in the 1740s was undergoing transition – the last of the Medici Grand Dukes had died in 1737, and the new Habsburg-Lorraine rulers were in charge. Institutions like the Otto provided continuity in governance during this change. 

It is worth noting that such decisions were likely driven by economic sense and a tradition of Medici-era tolerance as much as by personal goodwill. Still, for a clergyman like Bonaccini to be involved in granting freedoms to Jews is notable. The Catholic Church in the 18th century officially maintained certain discriminatory stances (for instance, pushing for conversion of Jews and restricting interaction), but Tuscany’s relatively liberal stance was something that had evolved over time, often with churchmen among the proponents of pragmatism. We do not know Bonaccini’s personal views, but his actions align with a broader pattern of Florentine clergy and officials quietly supporting policies that allowed Jewish communities to thrive under protection. In this instance, he directly helped formalize rights that enabled Samuel Rimini’s family and partners to continue their trading enterprises without harassment or extra fiscal burdens. Such rights included permission to run shops in Florence selling permissible goods without special licenses, freedom from future taxation decrees, and immunity of their property from customs duties. This was, in essence, a guarantee that they could live and do business much like any other respected merchants.

Translation

 August 17, 1743

The Honorable Lords Otto di Guardia and Balia of the City of Florence,

Having reviewed the petition submitted to Their Lordships by Samuel Rimini, Jew, as found in the register Servatori Vegliante under No. 222, in which he states that, by gracious Rescript of His Royal Highness dated March 23, 1723, he was granted favor to enjoy, in this city of Florence and in all the other most fortunate States of His Royal Highness, old and new, all the privileges and graces granted to Israelites—and in particular to Giuseppe, son of Mosè Rimini, Samuel, son of David Rimini, and his nephew Flamminio, and David, brothers, sons of Iacob Rimini—as appears in the Register of Resolutions No. 788.202, with the sole exception of matters concerning the Guild of Linen Weavers.

Having examined the privileges and graces granted to the aforementioned Samuel Rimini, among which is the right to nominate a commercial associate, who shall enjoy with his family the same privileges and graces,

Having seen the nomination made by the said Samuel Rimini, of Emanuel Bonaiuto Padova as his Companion, as recorded in file No. 177,

Having examined the Decree of Their Magistracy dated August 17, 1743, ordering that said petition and nomination be accepted,

It is therefore ordered and decreed that:

Emanuel Bonaiuto Padova be admitted as commercial associate to the aforementioned Samuel Rimini, such that he may succeed him and that both he and his family shall enjoy the same privileges and graces as are enjoyed by the said Samuel Rimini, excepting those matters pertaining to the Guild of Linen Weavers.

That they may engage in all forms of trade and brokerage, both in Florence and in all the fortunate States of His Royal Highness, old and new, without paying any kind of matriculation or other dues, and that they may nominate two Companions, whether Christian or Jew, whether formally bonded or taken as equal partners, as was granted to Mattatia Menachem, Levantine Jew, by Rescript of His Royal Highness dated July 3, 1606, as found in the file of Petitions under No. 67.

Also, that they may enjoy all the privileges granted to Josef Israel, Jew, and to Abram Israel, his uncle, and in particular that they and their families, servants, agents, and sons-in-law may enjoy the same privileges, both during the lives of the principals and after their deaths, as granted to Josef Israel by gracious Rescript of August 2, 1679, in the file of Petitions of that time under No. 343.

Also, that without paying any kind of matriculation they may operate shops for the sale of goods not prohibited in Florence, as was granted to Josef Israel by Rescript of September 4, 1606, found in the file of Petitions under No. 32.

Also, that they may enjoy all the privileges granted to the Jews residing in Pisa and Livorno, among which are the following:

That they shall be free from all burdens of matriculation, cadastral taxes, levies, dues, imposts, and similar real and personal obligations, both those already imposed and those that may be imposed in future.

That all of their tools, household goods, jewelry, gold, silver, pearls, clothing, and other household effects—whether used, acquired outside the State, or acquired within the said States, in whole or in part—shall be exempt and free from any payment of customs duties, both on entry and on exit, notwithstanding any law or decree to the contrary.

That with regard to their dowries, they shall not be required to pay any tax, whether such dowries were already contracted outside our States, or shall be contracted in the future.

That they may enjoy all the privileges, faculties, and graces enjoyed by our Florentine merchants and citizens, namely, in conducting any kind of trade or commerce whatsoever, and that none of them shall be required to wear any mark distinguishing them from Christians, and that they may maintain shops and residences outside the ghetto.

That they may enjoy these privileges for themselves, their families, and their children and heirs, so long as they are not prohibited in Florence or in the fortunate States of His Royal Highness, as provided by deed and grant of His Royal Highness to Josef Israel on July 3, 1599, recorded in the file of Petitions of the Arms Office under No. 319.

That likewise they and their families may enjoy all the privileges and faculties that have been or are enjoyed by any Jew, both in Florence and in all the fortunate States of His Royal Highness, old and new, in every form and in every trade, and which are currently enjoyed by other Jewish merchants, and in particular by David Amar, Emanuel Levi, and Allatone, and Salvador Levi, and formerly by many other Jews.

[Signed: Cosimo Bonaccini, Chancellor ]

Conclusion

This document is a marvelous example of an act of the magistracy of the Otto di Guardia e Balia in Florence issuing a decree confirming and extending a series of commercial privileges to members of the Florentine Jewish community. This decree memorializes and reaffirms earlier grants dating back to the late 16th century, consolidating a longstanding tradition of allowing select Jewish families to engage in trade under special protections, and reciting the names of a number of beneficiaries pre-dating the decree. Among the privileges were exemptions from matriculation and guild fees, permission to conduct business across Tuscany, and the right to appoint additional partners who would also enjoy these benefits. Rimini and Padova were granted the ability to run shops in Florence, sell permissible goods without special licenses, and carry out their enterprises free from certain taxes and customs duties, including those on dowries and imported merchandise and to take on additional partners, Jewish and Christian.

The decree acknowledged and echoed the commercial freedoms traditionally extended to Jews in Livorno and Pisa, known for their relative religious tolerance and openness to Jewish traders. The document highlights the value of Jewish participation in the Tuscan economy. Signed by Florentine cleric Cosimo Bonaccini, it also reflects the broader participation of clergy in civic governance and specifically the granting of rights to Jewish members of the community, an act at odds with the broader discriminatory stances of the Catholic Church in the 18th Century and reflective of the tolerance of the small Jewish community in Florence in the mid-18th Century, which then numbered about 500 individuals.

The document is also a noteworthy precursor to the life of Rabbinic scholar Moshe Ḥayyim Rimini, the son of Samuel Rimini, whose trading rights were memorialized in the decree.